The Landtag of Saxony-Anhalt passed a comprehensive parliamentary reform on Thursday with support from five factions, aiming to safeguard governmental function even if the AfD gains significant influence in the upcoming September election.
The reform, backed by CDU, SPD, FDP, Linke and Greens, introduces measures to prevent a repeat of the chaotic Landtagspräsident election seen in Thuringia, where AfD obstruction delayed the constitutive session. Under the new rules, a Landtagspräsident can still be elected even if the candidate of the strongest faction fails to secure a majority.
It also lowers the threshold for appointing state constitutional court judges under certain circumstances, removing the previous requirement for a two-thirds supermajority. If a governing coalition refuses to call a new election after the legislative term ends, a vote will be automatically scheduled.
Andreas Schumann of the CDU framed the reform as a defense of democratic institutions, stating it sends a clear signal that Saxony-Anhalt will not leave its democracy to „power abuse and arbitrariness.“ He emphasized that decisions are now detached from individuals and anchored in majority resolutions, drawing a parallel to the erosion of the rule of law after 1933.
Oliver Kirchner of the AfD dismissed the reform as a product of „fear of the election result,“ arguing it would only benefit his party if it achieved an absolute majority, at which point he claimed the „totalitarian democracy“ and „trickster parliamentary reform“ would be overturned.
Stefan Gebhardt of the Linke countered that Kirchner’s criticism had ironically demonstrated the reform’s necessity, calling the package „truly extensive.“ He highlighted that the reform secures the functionality and independence of the state constitutional court, prevents chaotic constituent sessions, and establishes a legal foundation for the State Center for Political Education for the first time.
The reform also caps parliamentary staff at five per member of parliament, aims to curb patronage networks, and designates May 8 and June 17 as official days of remembrance. Gebhardt noted it was a positive sign that five factions had jointly advanced and passed such wide-ranging legislation.
Falko Grube of the SPD described democracy as a garden requiring constant care, welcomed the inter-factional agreement, and said the AfD’s reaction confirmed they had acted correctly.
The Tagesspiegel’s Robert Ide observed that despite ongoing upheavals, democracy in eastern Germany has proven resilient so far. He noted that the AfD continues to lead in polls for both Saxony-Anhalt and Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, five months ahead of the vote, despite a major nepotism scandal and its platform calling for the abolition of asylum rights and open opposition to churches, democracy initiatives, and Holocaust remembrance.
Ide added that civil society is mobilizing against the AfD, and even previously hesitant business interests are now openly opposing the far right. He pointed out that Minister President Sven Schulze, a CDU member recently in office, now faces what he called „the toughest job in Germany“: preventing the country’s first AfD-led government.
Schulze’s campaign, like those of Michael Kretschmer in Saxony and Dietmar Woidke in Brandenburg, centers on the slogan „either me or the AfD.“ Ide warned that the task would not be easy, citing AfD top candidate Ulrich Siegmund, who uses TikTok to reach over half a million followers with constant alarmism, benefiting from social media outrage algorithms, the European rightward shift, the global economic crisis, and stalled federal reforms in Berlin.
How does the reform prevent a repeat of the Thuringia-style Landtagspräsident election deadlock?
It allows the election of a Landtagspräsident even if the candidate nominated by the strongest faction fails to win a majority, ensuring the constitutive session cannot be blocked by a single party.
What changes were made to the appointment of state constitutional court judges?
Under certain conditions, the reform permits the appointment of judges to the Landesverfassungsgericht without the previously required two-thirds supermajority, enhancing the court’s ability to function despite parliamentary fragmentation.
